Ẹgbẹ́ Àbíkú, in traditional Yorùbá religion, represents a complex and multifaceted concept encompassing the spiritual, social, and cultural aspects of Yorùbá life. The word “Abiku” literally translates as “born to die” or “born-die,” referring to children who are born, die repeatedly, and are reborn. This belief is deeply rooted in Yorùbá cosmology and reflects a worldview that understands life and death as a continuous cycle.
In Yorùbá tradition, it is believed that Abiku children are special spirits belonging to a spiritual society known as Egbe Abiku. These spirits inhabit the Òrun, the spiritual world, and decide, for various reasons, to be born into the physical world (Àiyé). However, their stay in Àiyé is often short, and they return to Òrun, only to reincarnate again. This cycle of birth and death can cause great pain and suffering to families, leading to a series of rituals and practices aimed at interrupting this pattern.
The interpretation of Abiku varies, but it is widely accepted that these spirits have a strong connection with Òrun and choose their destinies before birth. Some interpretations suggest that Abiku are dissatisfied spirits who do not wish to remain in the physical world due to promises or ties with their spiritual society. Other interpretations view Abiku as bearers of divine messages or warnings, and their repeated reincarnation is a form of communication between the spiritual and physical worlds.
The existence of Abiku has a profound impact on Yorùbá culture and social life. Families experiencing the births of Abiku often turn to babalawos (Ifá priests) or other spiritual specialists to perform rituals and offerings intended to appease the Abiku spirits and ensure the child remains in the physical world. Such rituals may include making sacrifices, applying marks to the child’s body, or giving names with specific spiritual meanings.
The literal translation is “born to die” (a bi ku) or “we gave birth and he died” (a bi o ku), designating children or young people who die before their parents. There are two types of Àbíkú: the first, Àbíkú – omode, designating children, and the second, Àbíkú – Agba, referring to young people or adults who die at significant moments in their lives and always before their parents, presenting an alteration of the natural order which is socially accepted and understood as: those who arrived in Aiyé (the physical world) first, return to Orún (the spiritual world) first. Beyond natural logic, this ensures continuity in Aiyé and guarantees remembrance and worship of the ancestor who leaves descendants to retell their story over time, ensuring their “survival” in the community.
In Orún lives a group of children called Emere or Elegbe, constituting the Egbe Orún Àbíkú, the society of children born to die. Myths recount that the first time Àbíkú came to earth was in Awaiye, comprising a group of 280 brought by Alawaiye, their leader in Orún. At the crossroads linking Orún to Aiyé, ikorita meta, they made various pacts, defining the specific moment each would return to Orún. Some would return upon first seeing their mother’s face, others upon marriage, another group after a certain time, another upon having their first child, and so on. Parents’ love and gifts wouldn’t be enough to retain them in Aiyé. Some promised not to be born at all. This pact had to be honored, with their companions in Orún present in their lives, interacting daily to ensure they remembered and returned to Orún once the agreed moment occurred.
How does the birth or manifestation of an Àbíkú occur in a pregnancy? The Yorùbá believe that Àbíkú’s action is determined by the mother’s destiny, magic/witchcraft, or accidental conditions. Prof. Sikiru Salami and Prof. Dr. Iyakemi Ribeiro, in their monograph “Ayedungbe: the earth is sweet to live in – rites in the fight against the death of Àbíkú,” define these accidental conditions as “the inadvertent acquisition of an Àbíkú by a pregnant woman who has not taken the necessary precautions to avoid it.” There is a belief that a pregnant woman passing through specific places where Àbíkú are established, if not properly protected, may be invaded by this “spirit,” becoming subject to an Àbíkú pregnancy. Special precautions are taken by women upon realizing they are pregnant, such as carrying an “ota” prepared to prevent this “invasion” by an Elegbe. Sacrifices, offerings, and prayers are also made to prevent a woman from having Àbíkú children or being “invaded” by one during pregnancy.
Aside from accidental conditions or the effects of magic/witchcraft, we observe that the occurrence of Àbíkú in a mother invariably repeats a family history that can be traced through their ancestry. We can invariably find that this Àbíkú has been present in the family for generations, either directly or indirectly.
Another interesting point is the assertion that some birth Odús predispose the occurrence of Elegbe. For instance, women governed by the Odú Ogundabede (Ogunda + Ogbe) are naturally predisposed to having Àbíkú children. Identified early, certain offerings are made and foods given to prevent it. Ebó is also performed if they have already had children or plan to, with a guinea pig placed above the front door and a fish above the back door to protect the residents from Elegbe visits. In this case, Elegbe takes the guinea pig and fish instead of the intended person. An Orin Egbe, a song dedicated to Aragbo or Ere Igbo, the protective Òrìsà of Àbíkú children, mentions this Ebó.
Thus, Egbe is worshipped and praised to protect children from premature death, with offerings made to dissuade them from taking Àbíkú back to Orún, aiming to keep these children in Aiyé. According to Prof. Sikiru Salami and Prof. Dr. Iyakemi Ribeiro, “A power struggle is established between Aragbo and the Àbíkú community wishing to take their members from Aiyé, the physical world, to Orún, the world of the dead, the spiritual world.
Rituals and offerings are made both to make the Àbíkú community relinquish taking them back and for Ere igbo to protect them from being returned to the spiritual realm.” Everyone born under the Odú Ogundabede, men and women, should worship Egbe, invoking its blessings for the benefit of family children. The Egbe cult and its festivals resemble the celebrations for “Cosmas and Damian,” often confused with the Òrìsà Ibeji worship. This Òrìsà and Egbe (or Aragbo) are distinct, justifying different approaches and treatments, with unique worship forms and reasons, and should not be confused to avoid fundamental errors.
Lastly, two aspects are important to mention: first, the peculiar behavior of an Àbíkú child, who certainly stands out. Second, the resistance in our culture of parents to accept having an Àbíkú child and the resulting difficulty in handling the child’s needs and the fight for their stay in Aiyé. The priest plays a crucial role in helping parents understand the issue, providing guidance and support throughout the process.
The term Abikú does not solely refer to those born to die, as the Yorùbá concept dictates; otherwise, we would all be Abikús. I often say to illustrate that Abikú has quality, meaning there are various types of Abikú, forms of operation, and aggregation within the same concept.
One can care for an Abikú child, allowing them to live normally among their peers by making offerings, ebós, and treating their Orí, capable of retaining the Abikú in the world and making them forget their return promise, thus breaking the cycle of constant comings and goings between Orun and Aiye, also making pacts.
Abikú has an influence on the family, being powerful manipulators, seers, aged spirits, with adult-like behaviors, etc.
The energy of an Abikú can surround a pregnancy, and many miscarriages and baby losses are related. However, one should not confuse lack of care and proper pregnancy treatment with Abikú. When the caregiver observes through divination the presence of Abikú, treatment starts in the mother’s womb with necessary obligations and ebós, through Oxun, Orí, Exú, Egungun, Oxalá.
There are also Abikú Òrìsàs, Oxalá and Nanã, as they govern life and death in both life and energy planes. Thus, all people of Oxalá and Nanã are Abikús, and even their initiation distinguishes them as special. Regardless, other people of any other Òrìsà may belong to the Abikú family, the Kóreo family.
An interesting concept worth reflecting on is that a person may introduce the Abikú spirit into their life by anticipating their natural cycles due to ambition or life choices. This leads to becoming an Abikú, as their death date will certainly be brought forward.
Abikú is much more than one can imagine, without a doubt, encompassing concepts, precepts, ewós, etc., and must be treated simultaneously in both the visible and invisible worlds.
The rituals to protect an Abiku child and ensure their stay in Àiyé are varied. One common method is performing a ceremony of Ifá, where the babalawo consults the Ifá oracle to determine the cause of the Abiku’s behavior and the appropriate measures to appease the spirit. This might involve offering animal sacrifices, food, or other items desired by the Abiku spirits.
Another method includes applying marks on the child’s body. These marks, made with cuts or incisions, serve as a form of spiritual identification, making the child recognizable in Òrun and discouraging the spirit from leaving again. Special names are also given to Abiku children, reflecting their condition and the parents’ wishes for their longevity. Names like “Durojaiye” (Stay and enjoy life) and “Kosoko” (No more rooms for the dead) are common.
While the belief in Egbe Abiku remains an important part of traditional Yorùbá religion, it has also evolved over time. In the modern era, some people may view recurring infant deaths through a medical lens, associating them with genetic diseases or undiagnosed health issues. However, the spiritual aspect is still deeply respected, and many families continue to perform traditional rituals to ensure their children’s safety and health.
Additionally, contemporary Yorùbá literature and art often explore the theme of Abiku, offering new interpretations and keeping the tradition alive. Writers like Wole Soyinka and Ben Okri have addressed the concept of Abiku in their works, bringing international attention to this fascinating and complex belief.
Egbe Abiku in traditional Yorùbá religion represents more than just a belief in children who are born to die. It is a profound reflection of the Yorùbá worldview, which sees life and death as part of an eternal, interconnected cycle. The practices and rituals associated with Abiku highlight the importance of spirituality, community, and the quest for balance between the physical and spiritual worlds. At the intersection of tradition and modernity, the belief in Abiku continues to be a powerful testament to the rich cultural and spiritual heritage of the Yorùbá people.
