A 19-year-old woman in Brazil discovered that her twin boys had two different biological fathers after DNA testing revealed an extraordinarily rare phenomenon known as heteropaternal superfecundation.

The case, reported in Mineiros, in the Brazilian state of Goiás, occurred after the young woman had sexual relations with two different men on the same day. She later became pregnant and gave birth to twins. Initially, she believed that both children had the same father.

When the twins were about eight months old, however, she decided to carry out a paternity test with one of the men. The DNA examination confirmed that he was the biological father of one of the boys but excluded him as the father of the other.

The unexpected result led the mother to remember that she had also been with another man around the same period. A second DNA test was subsequently carried out, confirming that the other man was the biological father of the second twin.

The unusual situation is medically known as heteropaternal superfecundation, a rare reproductive event in which two eggs released by the same woman during the same ovulatory period are fertilized by sperm from two different men.

Although it may sound almost impossible, the biology behind it is straightforward. A woman can occasionally release two eggs during one ovulatory period. If she has sexual intercourse with different men during her fertile window, sperm from each man can potentially fertilize a separate egg. The two fertilized eggs can then implant in the uterus and develop simultaneously as fraternal twins.

The children therefore share the same biological mother but have different biological fathers. Genetically, they are paternal half-siblings who happened to be conceived during the same reproductive cycle and carried together in the same pregnancy.

The phenomenon is extremely rare and can easily go unnoticed. Unless there is a reason to question paternity or DNA testing is performed, there may be nothing to indicate that twins have different fathers. Their physical appearance alone cannot reliably establish their biological parentage.

In the Brazilian case, DNA testing provided the decisive evidence. The two boys were twins in terms of their pregnancy and birth, but their genetic paternal lineages were different.

The case was reported in Brazilian media in 2022, and physician Túlio Jorge Franco said at the time that it was approximately the 20th such case reported worldwide. That figure referred to documented cases known at the time and should not be interpreted as a definitive estimate of how often the phenomenon occurs.

Medical literature has also documented other cases of heteropaternal superfecundation. Researchers note that the true frequency is difficult to establish because many cases would never be detected, particularly where paternity is not disputed and genetic testing is not undertaken.

Heteropaternal superfecundation should not be confused with superfetation, another exceptionally unusual reproductive phenomenon. Superfetation involves conception occurring after a pregnancy has already begun, whereas heteropaternal superfecundation involves the fertilization of separate eggs during the same ovulatory period.

The Brazilian case is a striking reminder that human reproduction can produce genetic circumstances that are invisible without scientific testing. Two children can share the same mother, develop together in the womb and be born as twins, yet have different biological fathers. What appeared to be an ordinary twin pregnancy therefore became an extraordinary genetic discovery: one mother, two twins and two different biological fathers.

Heteropaternal superfecundation is an extremely rare biological phenomenon in which twins born to the same mother have different biological fathers. It occurs when a woman releases two eggs during the same ovulatory period and has sexual relations with two different men during her fertile window. Sperm from each man can fertilize a separate egg, resulting in fraternal twins who share the same mother but have different fathers.

The phenomenon is usually discovered through DNA testing, since the twins may look similar and there may otherwise be no indication that they have different biological fathers.

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ABUJA, Nigeria — The Federal Government has launched a major reform of Nigeria’s tertiary education accreditation system, warning universities, polytechnics and colleges of education against temporarily borrowing lecturers, equipment, laboratories and other facilities to create a false impression of institutional capacity during accreditation exercises.

The Minister of Education, Dr. Maruf Tunji Alausa, announced the reform on Wednesday in Abuja while inaugurating the Ministerial Committee on Strengthening the Accreditation and Quality Assurance System for Tertiary Institutions in Nigeria.

The Minister of Education, Dr. Maruf Tunji Alausa,

According to the minister, accreditation must reflect the actual and sustainable capacity of an institution, rather than a temporary arrangement assembled specifically for the arrival of an accreditation team.

“What an institution presents for accreditation must be what actually exists in that institution and what is sustainably available to its students,” Alausa said. (Ministério da Informação e Orientação Nacional⁠)

The minister said the government would no longer accept a situation in which institutions temporarily assemble academic personnel, laboratories, workshops, libraries, equipment or other facilities simply to satisfy regulatory requirements.

He stressed that tertiary institutions must meet prescribed standards throughout the year, rather than preparing only when accreditation teams are scheduled to visit.

The Federal Government plans to transform the current accreditation process from a largely manual and periodic exercise into a digital, data-driven and continuously verifiable quality assurance system.

Under the proposed system, the National Universities Commission (NUC), National Board for Technical Education (NBTE) and National Commission for Colleges of Education (NCCE) are expected to strengthen the verification of institutional resources and ensure that information supplied by institutions can be independently confirmed.

The new framework will also make greater use of geospatial mapping, geotagging and secure digital records to establish the actual location and status of institutional facilities and equipment. (Ministério da Informação e Orientação Nacional⁠)

Alausa directed the ministerial committee to develop mechanisms for verifying the authenticity and continuous availability of both academic and non-academic staff, as well as the ownership, functionality, adequacy and accessibility of laboratories, workshops, libraries and major equipment presented during accreditation.

The government is also considering a comprehensive digital identity and staff verification framework to establish the identity and institutional affiliation of personnel presented by tertiary institutions.

The minister said collaboration with the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC) should be explored, including the appropriate use of the National Identification Number (NIN), Bank Verification Number (BVN) infrastructure and other secure technologies, subject to existing laws and data-protection requirements.

The proposed system is intended to establish what the minister described as the principle of “one individual, one verifiable identity and an accurately declared institutional affiliation.” This would help prevent situations in which the same academic is improperly presented as full-time staff by more than one institution. (Ministério da Informação e Orientação Nacional⁠)

The same principle would apply to major equipment. Critical equipment presented during accreditation should be digitally identifiable and linked to the specific institution and physical location where it is genuinely available.

Alausa said physical accreditation visits would continue, but their purpose should increasingly be to validate already verified institutional data, rather than begin the process of establishing an institution’s capacity from scratch when inspectors arrive.

The minister also warned that officials who manipulate accreditation processes could face serious consequences. Reports from the inauguration indicated that officials who fail to comply with accreditation and regulatory requirements could risk losing their positions, while private institutions that violate prescribed standards could face the loss of their operating licences. (TheCable⁠)

The government’s position addresses a long-standing concern within Nigeria’s tertiary education system: institutions appearing adequately equipped during accreditation visits but struggling to maintain the same level of staffing and facilities after the exercise.

Alausa said the purpose of accreditation should be to provide a reliable picture of an institution’s ability to deliver quality education, not to approve programmes based on resources that disappear once the accreditation team leaves.

The minister also raised concern over illegal admissions in tertiary institutions, saying the scale of the problem had reached hundreds of thousands. He said the government would strengthen enforcement and would no longer allow irregularities in admissions and academic standards to continue unchecked. (Ministério da Informação e Orientação Nacional⁠)

The committee, chaired by Professor Ishaq Oloyede, former Registrar of the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB), has been tasked with reviewing existing accreditation policies, standards, guidelines, procedures and operational practices.

Oloyede pledged the committee’s commitment to addressing abuses in the accreditation system and advocated constant monitoring and stronger inspectorate mechanisms to ensure that institutions maintain approved standards beyond the period of accreditation.

He also called for improved coordination between regulatory and professional bodies so that students graduating from accredited programmes can proceed to professional training and registration where applicable. (Ministério da Informação e Orientação Nacional⁠)

The Federal Ministry of Education said it would work with the NUC, NBTE, NCCE and other stakeholders to establish an accreditation system in which standards are authentic, functional, verifiable and sustainably available to students.

The reform represents a significant shift from an accreditation model centred primarily on periodic inspection visits towards one based on continuous quality assurance and independently verifiable evidence.

For Nigerian universities and other tertiary institutions, the implication is clear: lecturers, laboratories, workshops, libraries and equipment presented during accreditation must be genuinely available and maintained as part of the institution’s real capacity — not temporarily brought in to impress an inspection team.

The Federal Government says the ultimate objective is to restore credibility, transparency and sustainability to Nigeria’s tertiary education system and ensure that accreditation reflects the quality of education students actually receive.

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BRASÍLIA — Brazil is confronting what President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has described as the country’s biggest financial crime, with the collapse of Banco Master and the investigation into its former owner, Daniel Vorcaro, now threatening to become one of the most damaging institutional scandals in Brazil’s recent history.

At the center of the storm is Vorcaro, whose banking empire has become the subject of investigations into alleged financial fraud, suspicious transactions, regulatory interference and the movement of billions of reais through a complex network of banks, investment funds and companies.

Investigators have alleged that Banco Master was used to move resources through sophisticated financial structures involving CDBs, investment funds and companies connected to Vorcaro and his associates. One investigation identified more than R$3.5 billion invested by Banco Master in funds in which the bank itself was the sole investor; approximately R$1.8 billion allegedly flowed to companies connected to the bank’s partners, according to investigative documents reported by Folha de S.Paulo.

The alleged scheme was not simply about stealing money from a bank. Investigators are examining whether the mechanisms used by Banco Master allowed money raised from investors to circulate through apparently legitimate financial transactions before reaching companies and individuals connected to the bank’s controlling group.

The scale of the financial operation is staggering. Banco Master attracted more than R$50 billion through CDBs, according to the investigation. Authorities are now examining whether parts of that financial architecture were supported by questionable assets, artificial valuations and transactions between related parties.

The seriousness of the allegations was reinforced this week when Brazil’s securities regulator, the CVM, unanimously condemned Vorcaro and other defendants over a fraudulent operation involving the Brazil Realty real-estate fund. Vorcaro was fined R$20 million, while the total penalties imposed in the case reached approximately R$201 million. The CVM found evidence involving overvalued assets and transactions designed to create artificial liquidity.

But the Banco Master scandal has now become much bigger than a financial investigation. It has reached the Banco Central. Two Central Bank employees are being investigated over allegations that they provided privileged information and assistance to Vorcaro while Banco Master was under regulatory scrutiny. Investigators are also examining alleged payments and transactions involving the officials. Both deny wrongdoing.

It has reached the Federal Police. Senior Central Bank officials and other prominent figures have been summoned as witnesses as investigators attempt to determine how the alleged scheme operated and whether regulatory failures or improper relationships allowed the bank’s problems to continue.

And now, most explosively, it has reached Brazil’s Supreme Federal Court. The investigation has triggered an unprecedented confrontation among Supreme Court justices after police documents revealed contacts between Vorcaro and Justice Alexandre de Moraes. The revelations have generated allegations and counter-allegations concerning judicial conduct, possible conflicts of interest and the limits of investigations involving members of the country’s highest court. Moraes denies wrongdoing, and the allegations have not been established as criminal conduct.

The institutional consequences have been extraordinary. Supreme Court justices have issued conflicting decisions, the Federal Police leadership was temporarily caught in the dispute, and Chief Justice Edson Fachin intervened to suspend conflicting orders. The Supreme Court has scheduled an extraordinary session to address the crisis.

Brazil is no longer dealing only with the collapse of a bank. It is confronting questions about how billions of reais could move through the financial system, how a troubled bank could maintain access to powerful institutions, whether regulators were sufficiently independent, and whether political and judicial relationships created an environment in which the system could be manipulated.

Vorcaro has become the face of that crisis. He did not literally create every failure now being exposed in Brazil, and allegations against him and others must still be distinguished from convictions. But the investigations surrounding him have revealed an extraordinary intersection of money, financial engineering, political influence and institutional power. The deepest damage may therefore not be measured only in reais.

When a banking scandal reaches the Central Bank, the Federal Police, politicians and the Supreme Court simultaneously, the issue becomes one of institutional credibility. Brazilians are entitled to know who knew what, who benefited, who failed to act and whether anyone in a position of public trust helped protect the interests of a powerful banker.

The Banco Master affair is consequently becoming a defining test for Brazil’s institutions. Daniel Vorcaro’s rise and the collapse of his financial empire have exposed vulnerabilities that extend far beyond one bank. The investigation now faces the enormous task of determining whether Banco Master was the product of reckless financial expansion, systematic fraud, regulatory failure—or a combination of all three.

What began as the story of a banker and a bank has become a story about Brazil itself. The question confronting the country is no longer simply how Banco Master collapsed. It is how an operation of such magnitude was allowed to grow, how deeply its network reached into Brazil’s institutions, and how much damage it ultimately caused to the financial system and public trust.

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Na Religião Tradicional Yorùbá, Ògún é uma divindade de grande importância, profundamente relacionada ao ferro, à tecnologia, à caça, à agricultura, ao trabalho, à abertura de caminhos, à guerra e às atividades que exigem força, coragem e determinação. Entretanto, Ògún não é compreendido apenas como uma manifestação única e uniforme. Em diferentes comunidades da Yorùbáland, sua presença pode assumir denominações, atributos, narrativas e formas particulares de culto.

É nesse contexto que aparece a expressão Ògún Méje, “os sete Ògún”. A expressão encontra-se associada a uma tradição de louvação na qual diferentes manifestações de Ògún são apresentadas juntamente com suas relações territoriais, profissionais e cultuais. Um dos versos afirma: “Ògún méje l’Ògún mi”, indicando a ideia dos sete aspectos ou caminhos de Ògún.

Essas manifestações não devem ser entendidas simplesmente como sete divindades completamente separadas. Elas podem ser compreendidas como diferentes expressões de uma mesma potência divina, cuja identidade se manifesta de maneiras particulares conforme o território, a história, a função social e a tradição de culto.

ÒGÚN ALÁRÁ : Ògún Alárá está associado à antiga comunidade de Ará, na região de Èkìtì. Na tradição poética, sua manifestação é acompanhada pela referência ao àjà, o cão, como elemento sacrificial. O verso registra: “Ògún Alárá n’ígba ajá”.O cão aparece, portanto, como parte da relação ritual estabelecida com Ògún Alárá dentro dessa tradição específica. A associação também demonstra como os cultos de Ògún podem conservar características próprias de determinadas comunidades.

ÒGÚN ONÍRÈ : Ògún Onírè está intimamente relacionado a Ìrè, importante centro histórico do culto de Ògún. Seu nome está ligado à própria tradição de Ògún Onírè, uma das manifestações mais conhecidas da divindade na Yorùbáland. O verso afirma: “Ògún Onírè a gba àgbò”, apresentando o àgbò, o carneiro, como oferenda associada a essa manifestação. Ìrè ocupa lugar fundamental na memória religiosa de Ògún, e sua tradição preserva narrativas sobre a presença, a autoridade e a relação da divindade com a comunidade.

ÒGÚN ÌKỌ́LÉ : Ògún Ìkọ́lé está relacionado à comunidade de Ìkọ́lé. Na tradição mencionada, o elemento sacrificial associado a essa manifestação é o ìgbín, o caracol. O verso diz: “Ògún Ìkọ́lé a gba ìgbín.” A presença do ìgbín nessa tradição revela que os elementos utilizados no culto de Ògún podem variar de acordo com a comunidade e com a forma específica pela qual sua divindade é cultuada.

ÒGÚN ELÉMÒNÀ : Ògún Elémònà está relacionado à região de Ìmòna. Diferentemente das manifestações anteriores, sua tradição registra um alimento preparado como elemento de culto: èsùn isu, o inhame assado. O verso apresenta: “Ògún Elémònà n’ígba èsùn isu.” Essa referência é importante porque demonstra que o culto tradicional Yorùbá de Ògún não se limita a oferendas animais. Alimentos, objetos, bebidas e outros elementos podem integrar determinadas práticas rituais conforme a tradição de cada comunidade.

ÒGÚN ÀKÍRÙN : Ògún Àkírun está associado à cidade de Ìkìrun. Sua particularidade, dentro do verso, está relacionada ao ìwo àgbò, o chifre do carneiro. A fórmula tradicional afirma: “Ògún Àkírun a gba ìwo àgbò.” O chifre possui importância simbólica e ritual dentro de diversas tradições Yorùbá, podendo representar força, autoridade e poder. No caso de Ògún Àkírun, o verso estabelece especificamente essa relação entre a manifestação da divindade e o ìwo àgbò.

ÒGÚN GBẸ̀NÀGBẸ̀NÀ :Ògún Gbẹ̀nàgbẹ̀nà apresenta uma relação particularmente significativa com o trabalho do gbẹ̀nàgbẹ̀nà, o escultor ou trabalhador da madeira. Ògún, enquanto divindade associada ao ferro e às ferramentas, encontra nesse contexto uma forte relação com o trabalho artesanal, a transformação da matéria e o domínio técnico necessário para produzir objetos. O verso registra: “Ògún gbẹ̀nàgbẹ̀nà eran àhùn ni ńjẹ”, relacionando essa manifestação à carne de àhùn, tradicionalmente identificada como cágado ou jabuti. Aqui, Ògún aparece não somente como guerreiro, mas como potência do trabalho, da habilidade manual, da criação e da transformação da matéria.

ÒGÚN MÁKÌNDÉ :Ògún Mákìndé representa uma dimensão fortemente relacionada à guerra, à força militar e à proteção da comunidade. O verso menciona: “Ògún Mákìndé ti d’Ògún lẹ́hìn odi”, apresentando uma imagem de Ògún atuando para além das muralhas da cidade. A linguagem utilizada pertence ao universo tradicional das narrativas e poemas de guerra da Yorùbáland e deve ser compreendida dentro de seu contexto histórico e religioso.

Nesse aspecto, Ògún aparece como aquele que enfrenta os perigos externos, protege a comunidade e assegura a vitória diante dos inimigos. O conjunto de Ògún Méje revela, portanto, a amplitude da presença de Ògún na Religião Tradicional Yorùbá. Ele não é apenas o senhor da guerra. É também aquele relacionado ao ferro, às ferramentas, à agricultura, à caça, à metalurgia, ao trabalho artesanal, à abertura de caminhos, à proteção das comunidades e às atividades humanas que dependem de força, habilidade e determinação.

As sete manifestações preservadas nessa tradição também mostram a profunda relação existente entre Òrìṣà, território e sociedade Yorùbá. Ògún Alárá, Ògún Onírè, Ògún Ìkọ́lé, Ògún Elémònà, Ògún Àkírun, Ògún Gbẹ̀nàgbẹ̀nà e Ògún Mákìndé carregam referências a lugares, profissões, funções e formas particulares de culto.

As oferendas mencionadas no verso — àjà, àgbò, ìgbín, èsùn isu, ìwo àgbò e eran àhùn — devem ser compreendidas dentro dessas tradições específicas e não como uma fórmula universal aplicável indistintamente a todo culto de Ògún. Na Religião Tradicional Yorùbá, o conhecimento ritual está profundamente ligado à transmissão de uma determinada comunidade, linhagem e tradição sacerdotal.

Por isso, compreender Ògún Méje é compreender que a tradição Yorùbá preserva uma visão plural da manifestação dos Òrìṣà. Ògún pode ser simultaneamente guerreiro, caçador, ferreiro, agricultor, artesão, protetor e senhor das ferramentas. Seus diferentes nomes preservam memórias de comunidades e de modos específicos pelos quais sua presença divina foi reconhecida e cultuada. Ògún Méje l’Ògún mi — Ògún é múltiplo em suas manifestações, mas sua força permanece como uma potência fundamental da vida religiosa e social Yorùbá.

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Nigeria’s healthcare system faces a fundamental challenge: millions of Nigerians still struggle to access affordable, quality healthcare, while the country’s public health infrastructure remains unevenly distributed and heavily dependent on out-of-pocket payments. In contrast, Brazil has built one of the world’s largest universal public healthcare systems through the Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS).

Nigeria does not currently have a single, universal public healthcare system equivalent to Brazil’s SUS. Instead, healthcare is delivered through a fragmented combination of federal, state and local government facilities, private hospitals and clinics, health insurance, community-based initiatives and traditional healthcare providers. The National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA) has sought to expand health coverage, but achieving universal access remains a major challenge, particularly among people working in the informal economy.

Brazil’s experience therefore offers Nigeria an important opportunity for reflection. Nigeria does not have to copy the SUS exactly, because the two countries have different political structures, economies, populations and historical experiences. However, Nigeria can learn from the principles that made universal healthcare possible in Brazil: healthcare as a right, strong primary healthcare, public financing, decentralization, community participation and coordinated national planning.

One of the most important lessons from Brazil is the decision to constitutionally recognize health as a fundamental right. Brazil’s 1988 Constitution established the principle that health is a right of everyone and a duty of the State. This created the foundation for the SUS and transformed healthcare from something primarily dependent on individual financial capacity into a public responsibility.

The significance of this principle cannot be underestimated. A person should not have to decide whether to buy food, pay school fees or seek medical treatment. A mother should not lose her life during childbirth because her family cannot afford a hospital bill. A child should not be denied vaccination because his parents cannot pay. An elderly person should not be forced to abandon treatment because the cost of medication is beyond the family’s income.

This is the philosophy that makes universal healthcare fundamentally different from a system based primarily on individual payment. Nigeria could begin a similar transformation by strengthening the principle that access to essential healthcare is a responsibility shared by the State and society.

The Sistema Único de Saúde is Brazil’s publicly funded healthcare system. It provides services ranging from basic primary healthcare and vaccination to emergency treatment, surgery, cancer care, maternal healthcare, mental-health services, epidemiological surveillance and highly specialized procedures.

Its philosophy is based on three important principles: universality, integrality and equity, supported by decentralized management and social participation. Universality means that healthcare is intended for everyone. Integrality means that healthcare should not be limited to treating diseases after they become serious. It should include prevention, diagnosis, treatment, rehabilitation and health promotion. Equity recognizes that different populations have different needs. A remote rural community may require a different strategy from a major urban center.

This framework provides Nigeria with an important conceptual lesson: a national healthcare system should not merely be a collection of hospitals. It should be an integrated public health network.

One of Brazil’s most important experiences is its emphasis on primary healthcare, particularly through the Family Health Strategy. Rather than expecting citizens to travel long distances to major hospitals, multidisciplinary healthcare teams work within communities, focusing on prevention, vaccination, maternal and child health, chronic diseases and early diagnosis.

Nigeria has thousands of primary healthcare facilities, but many communities continue to experience shortages of doctors, nurses, medicines, equipment, electricity, water and other essential resources. The solution is therefore not simply to construct more buildings. Nigeria needs to make existing primary healthcare centres functional.

Every community should have access to a reliable first point of contact with the healthcare system. Community health workers, nurses, midwives, doctors and other professionals should be properly trained, paid and equipped. A functioning primary healthcare system can prevent many illnesses from becoming emergencies and can reduce the pressure on expensive tertiary hospitals.

Nigeria’s healthcare inequality is also geographical. Major cities such as Lagos, Abuja, Ibadan, Port Harcourt and Kano have substantially greater access to hospitals and medical professionals than many rural communities.

Brazil has also faced enormous geographical inequalities, but its SUS demonstrates how a national system can organize services across a vast territory. Nigeria could develop a stronger community-based healthcare model in which healthcare workers are assigned to specific populations and communities rather than being concentrated almost entirely in major urban hospitals.

Mobile clinics, community health workers, maternal-health teams, vaccination campaigns and telemedicine could complement permanent primary healthcare centres. The objective should be simple: wherever a Nigerian lives, there should be a basic level of healthcare available within reasonable reach.

Brazil’s SUS operates through cooperation among the federal government, states and municipalities. Local governments play a significant role in delivering healthcare services, while national and state institutions provide coordination, standards and financing. Nigeria already has a three-tier government structure: federal, state and local. The problem is not necessarily the absence of administrative levels. The problem is coordination, financing, accountability and implementation.

Nigeria could learn from Brazil by giving Local Government Areas greater responsibility and predictable resources for primary healthcare while establishing clear national standards. Local authorities understand their communities better. They know where maternal deaths are occurring, where malaria is prevalent, where clean water is lacking and where healthcare workers are absent.

But decentralization must come with accountability. Money allocated for healthcare must reach the facilities for which it was intended. Procurement must be transparent, health workers must be paid, and communities must be able to monitor the services they receive. Perhaps the most important economic lesson is the need to reduce dependence on direct payment by patients. When healthcare is primarily financed at the point of service, poor families are disproportionately affected. A medical emergency can rapidly become a financial emergency.

Nigeria’s health insurance system can play an important role in addressing this problem, particularly through the NHIA. But universal coverage cannot depend exclusively on formal employment or insurance contributions, especially in a country with a huge informal economy.

Brazil demonstrates another approach: pooling public resources through taxation and government budgets to finance universal healthcare. Nigeria could gradually develop a broader public financing model in which federal, state and local resources are pooled more effectively for essential healthcare. The objective should not necessarily be to eliminate private healthcare. Private hospitals and insurance can continue to exist. The objective should be to ensure that being poor does not mean being excluded from essential healthcare.

A Brazilian-style public system would not necessarily mean that Nigeria must abolish private hospitals. Brazil itself has a substantial private healthcare sector. The important distinction is that private healthcare should complement—not replace—the public responsibility to provide essential healthcare.

Those who can afford private insurance or private hospitals may continue to use them. But a person without money should still have access to essential healthcare through the public system. This creates a two-level choice: private healthcare can offer additional options, while the public system guarantees a minimum standard of care for everyone. A healthcare system cannot function effectively if patients arrive at clinics and are told that essential medicines are unavailable. Nigeria has repeatedly faced problems involving medicine availability, affordability, supply chains and quality assurance.

Brazil’s SUS demonstrates the importance of coordinated public procurement and distribution of medicines and vaccines. Nigeria could strengthen national and regional procurement mechanisms to purchase essential medicines in large quantities, negotiate better prices and distribute them systematically to public facilities.

This would require strong regulation and transparent procurement. It would also help reduce the burden on individual patients who currently have to purchase medicines from private pharmacies even after visiting public hospitals.

Another important lesson is that healthcare should not be understood simply as treating sick people. Public health begins before illness. Vaccination, sanitation, clean water, nutrition, maternal healthcare, health education, disease surveillance and early diagnosis can prevent enormous human and economic costs.

Nigeria should therefore connect healthcare policy with education, water, sanitation, housing, agriculture and social protection. A child who has access to clean water and adequate nutrition is less likely to suffer preventable disease. A pregnant woman who receives regular prenatal care is more likely to receive timely intervention when complications arise.

Healthcare policy must therefore be broader than hospitals. One of the most valuable aspects of Brazil’s experience is the recognition that healthcare workers must become part of the communities they serve. Nigeria could establish stronger community healthcare teams responsible for defined populations. Such teams could monitor pregnant women, children, elderly people and patients with chronic diseases. They could conduct health education, vaccination campaigns, screening and early diagnosis.

This would transform the relationship between citizens and the healthcare system. Instead of waiting for people to become seriously ill before they enter a hospital, the healthcare system would actively reach into communities.

Perhaps the greatest lesson from Brazil is that universal healthcare is ultimately a political decision. Building the SUS required constitutional recognition, legislation, public financing, institutional reforms and sustained political commitment. Nigeria already possesses many of the institutions necessary to begin such a transformation. What is required is stronger coordination and a long-term national vision.

Healthcare reform cannot depend entirely on the administration in power at a particular moment. It needs to become a national project. Governments change, but citizens remain. A Nigerian healthcare system should therefore be designed around the needs of Nigerians rather than around short political cycles.

Nigeria should not simply copy Brazil. Nigeria has its own realities: more than 250 ethnic groups, hundreds of languages, enormous geographical diversity, a large informal economy, different religious and cultural traditions and significant differences between urban and rural communities. The answer is therefore not to reproduce Brazil’s SUS word for word. Nigeria needs to develop its own model inspired by the strongest principles of the Brazilian experience.

A possible Nigerian universal healthcare system could combine strong and properly funded primary healthcare centres, community-based healthcare teams, universal access to essential healthcare, stronger public financing, reduced out-of-pocket expenditure, better coordination between federal, state and local governments, transparent procurement of medicines and equipment, reliable emergency and maternal healthcare, universal vaccination and disease prevention, digital health and telemedicine, stronger regulation of private healthcare, and community participation and accountability.

Introducing a Nigerian equivalent of SUS would not be easy. Brazil’s SUS itself has challenges, including regional inequalities, funding pressures, shortages of professionals in some areas and waiting times for certain specialized services. Universal healthcare is not a magic solution that eliminates every problem.

But the existence of challenges does not invalidate the principle. The SUS demonstrates that a large, diverse country can organize healthcare around the principle that access to essential medical care should not depend entirely on personal wealth. Nigeria can learn from this experience.The country does not need to choose between public and private healthcare. It needs a strong public foundation upon which both can operate.

The fundamental question should be: What happens to a Nigerian who has no money but becomes seriously ill? A modern nation should have a clear answer. That person should not be abandoned. Nigeria has the human resources, medical professionals, universities, hospitals, pharmaceutical industry and technological capacity to build a stronger healthcare system. What is required is the political will to organize these resources around a coherent national objective.

Brazil’s SUS offers an important lesson: healthcare can be treated not merely as a commodity, but as a public responsibility and a fundamental right. Nigeria could therefore begin a national conversation about creating its own Universal Nigerian Health Service—a system adapted to Nigerian realities but inspired by the principles of universality, equity, prevention, community healthcare and public responsibility.

The goal should be simple and ambitious: whether in Lagos or a remote village in northern Nigeria, whether rich or poor, employed or unemployed, every Nigerian should have access to essential healthcare when they need it. That is not merely a healthcare policy. It is a statement about the kind of country Nigeria wants to become.

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ONDO, NIGERIA — Ondo Kingdom came alive on Wednesday, September 2, as a huge crowd filled the streets for the 2026 Ògún Festival, one of the most important traditional celebrations in the ancient Yorùbá kingdom.

The annual festival brought together devotees, traditional chiefs, cultural groups, residents, visitors and large numbers of young people in a colourful public celebration marked by drumming, dancing, chanting, traditional dress and processions through the city.

The scale of this year’s gathering was particularly striking. While no official attendance figure has been announced, photographs and videos from the celebration show exceptionally large crowds stretching across major streets and public spaces in Ondo. The scenes quickly attracted attention online, highlighting the continuing popularity of Ògún and the strength of traditional culture in the kingdom.

The main celebration came after an Ògún Festival Eve programme on Tuesday, September 1, at White Rock Hotel, where music, dance, food and cultural entertainment brought residents and visitors together ahead of the main festival.

On Wednesday, the focus shifted to the traditional celebrations, with the participation of the palace and traditional authorities.

At the centre of the kingdom’s traditional institution is His Imperial Majesty Oba (Dr.) Victor Adesimbo Ademefun Kiladejo, Jilo III, the Osemawe and Paramount Ruler of Ondo Kingdom. Traditional chiefs and the Olórí Àwo were also associated with the proceedings.

Ògún occupies a special place in Yorùbá tradition. Widely known as the Òrìṣà associated with iron, he is also connected with hunting, farming, warfare, craftsmanship, roads, labour and technology.

His importance goes beyond the traditional forge. In Yorùbá thought, iron represents the ability to transform the environment through human skill and determination. The tools of the farmer, hunter, blacksmith and artisan all connect to Ògún’s domain. That association has taken on new meaning in the modern world, where technology, engineering, transportation, construction and manufacturing continue to depend on metal and human ingenuity.

The Ondo festival brings these traditions into public view. Rather than remaining within a shrine or private ritual setting, the celebration moves through the city, turning the streets themselves into a space for cultural expression.

This year’s festival also revealed how traditional culture is being carried into a new generation. Young people were prominent among the participants, with many recording the celebration on smartphones and sharing images across social-media platforms. An ancient festival was therefore being documented through modern technology — an especially fitting development for a celebration dedicated to Ògún.

The Òrìṣà is traditionally remembered as a path-opener. In Yorùbá accounts, Ògún cleared an otherwise impassable forest with his iron implement, making a way for others to pass. The story has made him a powerful symbol of courage, labour, movement and overcoming obstacles.

For Ondo, the annual festival serves a similar cultural purpose: it creates a connection between generations and keeps ancestral knowledge visible within a rapidly changing society. The importance of the festival also extends beyond Ondo. With Yorùbá communities and Òrìṣà traditions now present across Africa and the global diaspora, celebrations in Yorùbáland provide an important connection to the ancestral homeland.

For communities in Brazil, the Caribbean, North America and Europe, the Ondo Ògún Festival offers a vivid example of Yorùbá tradition being practised as a living culture rather than preserved merely as history. The growing scale and visibility of the festival also strengthen Ondo’s potential as a cultural-tourism destination. The traditional institution has previously expressed interest in promoting the Ògún Festival internationally and using it to showcase the history and heritage of Ondo Kingdom.

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An Igbo woman’s testimony about her devotion to the Yorùbá deity Òṣun has gone viral after she was seen at the Òṣun-Òṣogbo Festival in Osogbo, Osun State, Nigeria.

The woman, who travelled from southeastern Nigeria to pay homage to Òṣun, said her spiritual connection with the deity began after what she described as a personal calling from Òṣun.

“I am from the East, but Òṣun called me and I answered,” she said.

According to her, being Igbo does not prevent her from venerating Òṣun. She explained that women with certain spiritual roles in Igbo traditional culture may be referred to as Ezenwanyi, but she personally identifies Òṣun as her spiritual mother.

“Òṣun is my mother. I venerate Òṣun,” she said.

She further emphasized that language and ethnic origin should not necessarily be regarded as barriers to spiritual devotion.

“You can be from the East and Òṣun calls you. That is what I am,” she said.

The devotee also recalled that her godmother often describes her as having a “cool spirit”, which she associates with the spiritual character of Òṣun.

“My godmother always says my spirit is cool. I am a daughter of Òṣun,” she said.

Her appearance at the Òṣun-Òṣogbo Festival has attracted attention online, particularly because she openly identifies as Igbo while participating in the worship of a major Yorùbá Òrìṣà.

The Òṣun-Òṣogbo Festival is one of Nigeria’s most prominent traditional religious and cultural festivals, attracting devotees, traditionalists, tourists and cultural practitioners from Nigeria and the African diaspora each year.

The woman’s testimony has sparked conversations online about spirituality, ethnicity and the ways African traditional religious practices cross cultural and linguistic boundaries.

For the woman herself, however, her identity is uncomplicated: she is Igbo, but she believes Òṣun called her — and she answered.

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Na cosmologia yorùbá, a criação do ser humano não deve ser compreendida como uma obra realizada por uma única divindade. O ser humano é resultado da participação de diferentes forças divinas, cada uma desempenhando uma função específica na preparação daquele que deixará Ọ̀run para viver em Ayé.

Segundo determinados ìtàn e versos de Ifá, Ògún participa da formação do ser humano fornecendo o esqueleto, enquanto Ọ̀bàtálá está relacionado à modelagem do corpo. Posteriormente, Olódùmarè concede o sopro vital que transforma a matéria em um ser vivo.

Essa tradição estabelece uma relação profunda entre Ògún e os ossos humanos. Ògún é o Òrìṣà do ferro, da forja, das ferramentas, da força e da transformação da matéria. O osso, por sua vez, constitui a estrutura que sustenta o corpo. Dessa maneira, a associação entre Ògún e o esqueleto não é apenas física, mas também simbólica: a força de Ògún está relacionada àquilo que dá resistência, sustentação e firmeza ao ser

Ọ̀bàtálá, por sua vez, ocupa uma posição fundamental nas narrativas yorùbá de criação. Ele está relacionado à modelagem do corpo humano, dando forma à matéria que constituirá o indivíduo. A criação, entretanto, não termina com o corpo físico, porque o ser humano necessita também de um princípio interior que o individualize e o acompanhe em sua existência.

É nesse momento que surge Àjàlá Mọ̀pín, tradicionalmente associado à elaboração, modelagem e preparação do Orí. Segundo a cosmologia preservada no corpus de Ifá, antes de partir de Ọ̀run para Àiyé, o ser humano passa pelo domínio de Àjàlá, onde seu Orí é preparado e escolhido. É a partir desse Orí que o indivíduo ingressará em Àiyé, levando consigo uma dimensão fundamental de sua identidade, de seu destino e de sua existência no mundo.

O conceito de Orí é muito mais amplo que a cabeça física. O Orí inú, a cabeça interior, representa uma dimensão fundamental da individualidade, da consciência, da orientação espiritual e do destino. Por isso, a condição do Orí possui grande importância para a vida da pessoa em Ayé.

Um conhecido ìtàn de Ifá narra a história de Orísèékú, Orílèémèrè e Afùwàpé, que se preparavam para partir para Ayé e foram orientados a procurar Àjàlá para escolher seus Orí. A narrativa demonstra que a passagem para o mundo terrestre envolve uma preparação anterior no domínio espiritual.

É significativo que Orísèékú seja apresentado nessa tradição como filho de Ògún. Dessa maneira, Ògún também aparece diretamente relacionado à narrativa da passagem entre Ọ̀run e Ayé.

Ògún possui ainda outra função fundamental: a abertura do caminho. Seu instrumento é o ferro, e o ferro permite cortar a mata, abrir estradas, construir ferramentas e transformar o ambiente. Por isso, sua presença na passagem entre Ọ̀run e Ayé pode ser compreendida como a força que torna possível a abertura do caminho para a manifestação da vida.

A tradição yorùbá, portanto, apresenta a criação humana como uma ação conjunta de diferentes poderes. Ògún está relacionado à estrutura óssea e à abertura do caminho; Ọ̀bàtálá à modelagem do corpo; Àjàlá Mọ̀pín à modelagem do Orí; e Olódùmarè ao princípio vital que anima a criatura.

Essa concepção revela uma característica profunda do pensamento yorùbá: o ser humano não começa sua existência simplesmente no momento do nascimento. Antes de chegar a Ayé, existe uma preparação em Ọ̀run, na qual diferentes elementos de sua existência são constituídos.

O corpo necessita de forma, o corpo necessita de estrutura, o indivíduo necessita de Orí e a matéria necessita de vida. Cada dimensão está associada a uma força específica dentro da ordem cósmica.

Assim, a tradição Yorùbá pode ser compreendida como uma criação na qual diferentes forças divinas participam da constituição do ser humano: Ògún fornece a estrutura e os elementos que sustentam o corpo; Ọ̀bàtálá molda a forma física; Àjàlá Mọ̀pín trabalha e aperfeiçoa o Orí; Òṣun participa da constituição do sangue e da vitalidade; e Olódùmarè concede o sopro vital que anima a existência. Concluída essa preparação em Ọ̀run, o ser humano parte para Àiyé, trazendo consigo o Orí escolhido e o destino que deverá realizar no mundo.

É uma visão na qual corpo, Orí, força vital, destino e mundo material não estão separados. Todos fazem parte de uma mesma ordem de existência, e o ser humano chega a Ayé carregando consigo aquilo que foi preparado no domínio espiritual.

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SÃO PAULO, BRAZIL — A Brazilian man identified as Eduardo, and popularly referred to as “Eduardo Comedor de Oferenda”, has become the subject of a viral video after reportedly eating Ẹbọ, ritual offerings placed for the Òrìṣà at different locations across São Paulo.

The video has drawn attention to Eduardo’s unusual routine, with accounts describing him as a man who searches for offerings placed at oríta, particularly street intersections and other locations traditionally used for ritual purposes.

According to the accounts accompanying the video, Eduardo visits different parts of the city looking for Ẹbọ. He is said to go from one ilé Òrìṣà to another and to locations where practitioners leave ritual offerings after completing ceremonies.

The unusual story has generated a striking description among those familiar with his routine: Eduardo gets to the oríta before the Òrìṣà.

The phrase refers to his reported habit of arriving at locations where offerings have been placed and consuming them before they are removed or otherwise completed within the ritual process.

According to Maria de Fátima, “I have known Eduardo for the past 15 years, and I have seen him eat Ẹbọ many times. He eats the offerings, including the intestines offered to Ìyámí Òṣòròngà. He has even gained weight over the years. Sometimes, he gets to the oríta before Èṣù and is already there waiting for the Ẹbọ.”

Food and drinks left as offerings are reportedly among the items he consumes. His behavior has led to the nickname “Comedor de Oferenda”, Portuguese for “offering eater.” Some accounts further claim that Eduardo consumes offerings associated with different Òrìṣà and even ritual materials connected with Ìyámí Òṣòròngà.

Eduardo reportedly says that Ẹbọ keeps him healthy, despite the unusual nature of his diet. Those who have encountered him describe him as apparently healthy and energetic.

His claim has become one of the central elements of the viral story, although there is no independent medical evidence establishing that eating ritual offerings provides health benefits.

The story has also attracted attention because of the presence of Yorùbá religious practices in Brazilian public spaces. Within Òrìṣà traditions, Ẹbọ is not simply food left unattended. It is an offering prepared and presented within a specific ritual context, often according to particular instructions and purposes.

When Ẹbọ is placed at oríta, however, it becomes visible to members of the wider public. Eduardo’s reported behavior illustrates the unusual situations that can occur when sacred ritual practices take place in shared urban environments.

For practitioners, an offering may carry religious significance even when it appears to an outsider to be ordinary food or drink. The video featuring Eduardo has prompted curiosity and discussion among viewers, particularly because of his reported familiarity with locations where offerings are made.

His story has also generated the humorous description that he “disputes the Ẹbọ with the Òrìṣà”—arriving at the ritual location and consuming what has been placed there.

Whether viewed as an unusual personal habit, an urban curiosity or a striking encounter between everyday life and Yorùbá religious practice, Eduardo’s story has captured attention online.

For now, the man known as Eduardo Comedor de Oferenda remains an unusual figure in São Paulo’s streets—reportedly traveling from oríta to oríta, looking for Ẹbọ and claiming that the offerings are what keep him healthy.

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Nigeria–Brazil direct connection moves closer to reality as Air Peace receives ANAC approval and advances its international expansion

LAGOS/SÃO PAULO — Air Peace is set to open a new direct aviation corridor between Nigeria and Brazil, with the Nigerian carrier scheduled to operate its first Lagos–São Paulo flight on October 1, 2026, marking a major expansion of its international network.

The inaugural service is scheduled to depart from Murtala Muhammed International Airport in Lagos and fly directly to São Paulo–Guarulhos International Airport (GRU). The service is currently scheduled to be operated with an Air Peace Boeing 777-200ER, according to flight-schedule information published by AeroRoutes.

The launch follows Brazil’s authorization for Air Peace to operate regular international passenger, cargo and mail services to and from the country, clearing a key regulatory hurdle for the Nigerian airline’s entry into the Brazilian aviation market.

The new Lagos–São Paulo connection is expected to significantly reduce the complexity and overall travel time between the two countries. Travelers who have traditionally relied on connections through Europe, the Middle East or other international hubs will have a direct alternative across the South Atlantic.

While promotional reports have described the journey as potentially taking around seven hours, currently published flight schedules indicate a nonstop flight time of approximately 10 hours between Lagos and São Paulo. The final duration will depend on the operational schedule, aircraft routing and prevailing conditions.

Regardless of the exact flying time, the introduction of a nonstop service represents a major change for travelers between Nigeria and Brazil.

The route has significance beyond commercial aviation. Nigeria and Brazil have deep historical and cultural connections, particularly through the African diaspora and the enduring influence of Yoruba culture in Brazil. Direct air connectivity could stimulate tourism, academic research, artistic exchange, cultural projects, business, religious travel and family connections between the two countries.

For Nigerians living in Brazil and Brazilians with connections to Nigeria, the new service could make travel considerably more accessible. The Lagos–São Paulo corridor will provide a direct link between two of the most important cities in their respective regions.

The Brazil launch is also part of a wider international strategy by Air Peace. The Nigerian airline has been expanding beyond its traditional West African network and pursuing connections with major cities across several continents. Among the destinations associated with the airline’s international expansion plans are Toronto, Canada; New York, United States; and Guangzhou, China.

Toronto would give Air Peace a stronger presence in the Canadian market and provide an additional direct connection between Nigeria and a country with a substantial Nigerian community. New York would connect the Nigerian carrier directly with one of the world’s leading financial and commercial centers.

Guangzhou, meanwhile, would strengthen Nigeria’s aviation and commercial links with China, one of the country’s most important international trading partners. The expansion illustrates Air Peace’s ambition to become a major Nigerian global carrier, connecting Lagos with strategic destinations across Africa, Europe, North America, South America and Asia.

The October 1 launch is therefore expected to attract considerable attention from business travelers, tourists, academics, artists, members of the African diaspora and the Nigerian community in Brazil. The direct service could also support cargo and trade. A nonstop connection between Lagos and São Paulo has the potential to make the movement of goods, business delegations and commercial representatives between the two markets more efficient.

For Brazil, the arrival of Air Peace establishes a new direct aviation link with Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country and one of its largest economies. For Nigeria, São Paulo provides a new gateway into South America and a market of enormous economic and cultural importance.

The first Lagos–São Paulo flight on October 1, 2026, will consequently be more than the launch of another international route. It will mark the opening of a new aviation corridor between Africa and South America, linking two countries whose histories have been connected across the Atlantic for centuries.

And as Air Peace looks toward Toronto, New York and Guangzhou, the airline’s Brazil operation may prove to be another major step in its transformation from a regional West African carrier into a global Nigerian airline. The Lagos–São Paulo route begins October 1. Air Peace’s global expansion is taking off.

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